Centre d'études sur l'intégration et la mondialisation (CEIM)

Commerce numérique, culture et enjeux de réglementation

2024-06-10T20:44:57Z

Commerce numérique, culture et enjeux de réglementation

n°45, juin 2024

Résumé :

Le rapport de juin débute par des discussions sur l'initiative du gouvernement australien d'introduire une nouvelle réglementation concernant les exigences en matière de contenu local pour les services de diffusion en continu. La principale préoccupation concerne la conformité de la nouvelle réglementation avec l'accord de libre-échange entre l'Australie et les États-Unis (AUSFTA). Le rapport met également en lumière la lettre d'un groupe bipartisan de parlementaires des États-Unis qui a appelé le représentant au commerce à s'attaquer aux « barrières commerciales » pour l'industrie musicale américaine découlant de la loi canadienne sur la diffusion continue en ligne. En outre, le rapport se concentre sur la confrontation entre Apple et Spotify concernant la mise en œuvre de la loi européenne sur les marchés numériques (Digital Markets Act). Par ailleurs, le rapport se penche sur les débats sur l'utilisation de l'intelligence artificielle (IA) par les entreprises technologiques et les questions de droits d'auteur en examinant les cas de Sony Music et de TikTok. Enfin, le rapport met l'accent sur les nouveaux partenariats dans l'économie basée sur les plateformes, en se focalisant sur HBO Max et les services de diffusion en continu en Asie du Sud-Est.

Voir document ci-joint en français
See english document below french one

Payment for Ecosystem Services in the Congo Basin : Filling the Gap Between Law and Sustainability for an Optimal Preservation of Ecosystem Services

2020-07-08T00:00:00Z

Abstract

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is involved in the implementation of an international Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) (UNEP : Developing international payments for environmental services : a technical discussion (Background Paper), 2006) mechanism, namely “Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation in the developing countries and the conservation, sustainable forest management and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks in the developing countries” (REDD+). However, the laws of the DRC are insufficient to achieve a sustainable PES and REDD+ implementation. Based on indicators on land tenure security, classical conditions of contracts, 3E+ REDD+ criteria and measures on conservation and restoration, this chapter analyses the laws related to PES in force in the DRC in order to obtain a more sustainable preservation of ecosystem services. The chapter focuses on four ecosystem services : carbon sequestration and storage, biodiversity protection, watershed protection and landscape beauty. Several criteria have been applied to assess the potential of the DRC PES laws to promote a sustainable preservation of ecosystems and ecosystem services. A first set of well-known criteria are the 3 E+ REDD+ criteria, which entails that to achieve a successful REDD+ implementation, the REDD+ project should be effective, costly efficient, equitable and bring co-benefits. Effectiveness refers to the achievement of environmental goals. Cost efficiency means that the project should attempt to reach the environmental goals through reasonable financial means. Equity fits with the inclusive capacity of the project. Four co-benefits are distinguished, namely biodiversity conservation, governance, adaptation of climate change and improvement of social conditions. Secondly, this chapter refers to classical contract conditions from French and Belgian Civil Law inherited by Congolese Civil Law. These conditions are the consent of the parties, the capacity of parties, the existence of an object and the legal purpose. Thirdly, the chapter refers to the indicators on conservation and restoration measures and on land tenure security (property right titles and clear borders). The chapter demonstrates that there is a need to update or enforce the existing laws related to PES applied in the DRC in order to increase the preservation of ecosystem services. The chapter argues that the transformation of the existing laws would positively influence the implementation of SDG 13 and 15.

Voir en ligne :
Payment for Ecosystem Services in the Congo Basin : Filling the Gap Between Law and Sustainability for an Optimal Preservation of Ecosystem Services

Blaise-Pascal Ntirumenyerwa Mihigo, An Cliquet
Pages 667-686

From the Book : Sustainability and Law. General and Specific Aspects

CETA : An Innovative Agreement with Many Unsettled Trajectories

2020-01-14T11:50:00Z

Texte conjointement écrit par Christian Deblock et Michèle Rioux en collaboration avec Jean Monnet Network on EU-Canada Relations : The EU and Canada in Dialogue.
Executive Summary
CETA innovates in many ways. The most significant innovation is that it deals with international regulatory cooperation and puts in place institutional mechanisms combining dialogue and trade obligations with regard to regulatory and governance issues. It also creates a civil society forum involved in the (…)

- Publications - Centre d'études sur l'intégration et la mondialisation (CEIM) / Europe, Articles scientifiques, English, Économie politique, commerce international

Audio-Visual Industries and Diversity Economics and Policies in the Digital Era

2019-07-10T00:00:00Z

Publié sous la direction de Luis A. Albornoz et Ma. Trinidad Garcia Leiva, Audio-Visual Industries and Diversity Economics and Policies in the Digital Era vient de paraître sous l'égide des Éditions Routledge.

Édité dans la série Routledge Studies in Media and Cultural Industries, cet ouvrage collectif rassemble des spécialistes de la diversité culturelle et des industries des médias et présente une collection d'essais internationaux et interdisciplinaires issus de différents domaines d'études dont la communication, l'économie, la science politique et le droit.

À travers une réflexion critique sur les questions de diversité, d'accès et de développement des technologies numériques dans les industries audiovisuelles, en particulier sur les plans économique et politique, l'ouvrage aborde notamment :

le principe de la diversité en tant qu'objectif des politiques culturelles et de communication, l'évaluation de la Convention de l'UNESCO sur la diversité culturelle
les accords de libre-échange et la conception des biens et services culturels qu'ils font progresser
les défis auxquels la production est confrontée
la circulation et la consommation de contenu culturel via Internet
le rôle que jouent les algorithmes dans l'organisation
le fonctionnement des plateformes en ligne, dont Netflix
l'hégémonie des médias mondiaux

L'approche se veut une compréhension critique de la diversité audiovisuelle, qui vise à transcender des questions spécifiques telles que la propriété des médias, les idées présentées ou les modes de consommation en tant que tels, pour se concentrer sur une répartition plus équilibrée du pouvoir de communication.

Michèle Rioux, directrice du CEIM et du LATICCE et Felipe Verdugo, chercheur associé au CEIM, cosignent le chapitre 7 intitulé Digital Trade and Cultural Policy Nexus : A Challenge for the Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions in the Creative Economy.

Ce volume est une lecture essentielle pour les universitaires et les chercheurs en communication, économie de la culture, relations internationales et droit international, ainsi que pour les décideurs, les journalistes spécialisés dans les médias et la culture et les gestionnaires d'institutions publiques et privées impliquées dans le développement de la culture et les politiques de communication.

COMMANDER EN LIGNE

Luis A. Albornoz est professeur associé au département de journalisme et de communication audiovisuelle de l'Université Carlos III de Madrid, en Espagne. Chercheur au Conseil argentin de la recherche scientifique et technique (CONICET), le professeur Albornoz est également associé fondateur et ancien président (2007-2013) de l'Association scientifique internationale Union latine d'économie politique de l'information, de la communication et de la culture (ULEPICC).

Mª Trinidad García Leiva est chargée de cours au département de journalisme et de communication audiovisuelle de l'Université Carlos III de Madrid, en Espagne. Elle a été chercheuse invitée au Centre de recherche sur les politiques culturelles de l'Université de Glasgow (2009) et au programme de droit et politiques comparées des médias du Centre d'études socio-juridiques de l'Université d'Oxford (2005). Elle co-dirige, avec le professeur Albornoz, le groupe de recherche sur la diversité audiovisuelle.

Linking International Norms to Regions : Mercosur and ASEAN facing the challenge of cultural diversity

2017-06-30T09:00:00Z

Abstract

The Convention on diversity of cultural expression (CDCE), adopted by Unesco in 2005, became a main mechanism within the multilayered global governance of cultural industries, establishing new pratices regarding the cultural sector. My article encourage an orignial view on norm diffusion and implementation focusing on two regions : Mercosur (Southern Common Market) and ASEAN (Association of the Southeast Asian Nations). Through the analysis of the CDCE's transfer from international level to Mercosur and ASEAN regions, my article seeks to explore four key questions : why do actors engage in norm transfer ? Who are the key actors involved in the norm transfer process ? What is transferred and why ? What restricts or facilitates the norm transfer process ?

Keywords : norm diffusion, regions, Mercosur, ASEAN, UNESCO, non-governmental organisations, cultural industries, cultural diversity

L'article complet est disponible sur le site de la revue Politica & Sociedade.

Assessing Maritime Disputes in East Asia

2017-05-08T08:00:00Z

Summary

Combining practical and theoretical approaches, this book addresses the political, legal and economic implications of maritime disputes in East Asia.

The maritime disputes in East Asia have multiplied over the past few years, in parallel with the economic growth of the countries in the region, the rise of nationalist movements, fears and sometimes fantasies regarding the emergence of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a global power, increasing military expenses, as well as speculations regarding the potential resources in various disputed islands. These disputes, however, are not new and some have been the subject of contention and the cause of friction for decades, if not centuries in a few cases. Offering a robust analysis, this volume explores disputes through the different lenses of political science, international law, history and geography, and introduces new approaches in particular to the four important disputes concerning Dokdo/Takeshima, Senkaku/Diaoyu, Paracels and Spratlys. Utilising a comparative approach, this book identifies transnational trends that occur in the different cases and, therefore, at the regional level, and aims to understand whether the resurgence of maritime disputes in East Asia may be studied on a case by case basis, or should be analysed as a regional phenomenon with common characteristics.

This book will be of interest to students of Asian Politics, Maritime Security, International Security, Geopolitics and International Relations in general.

Global Governance Facing Structural Changes New Institutional Trajectories for Digital and Transnational Capitalism

2015-11-10T10:59:00Z

Edited by Michèle Rioux, Kim Fontaine-Skronski

Presentation :

Contemporary global governance is a field of competing institutional schemes and systems of rules. We are at the juncture between old and new, not knowing how to interpret facts or how to explain processes-in-the-making. Yet, it is more important than ever to analyze new institutional trajectories and the emergence of new institutions to understand their interaction and how they can help renew collective action in a brand new world of global digital capitalism. International political economy and international relations theories have struggled to explain institutional changes as they concentrated on explaining international cooperation and order. This book provides a total picture of the interaction between remaining forms of international regimes and new institutional frameworks, with a particular look at the impact of new technologies on these emerging forms of governance.

Michèle Rioux is Professor of Political Science at Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada, and Director of the Centre for the Study of Integration and Globalization (CEIM), Canada. She specializes in International Political Economy and her areas of research include international organizations, transnational firms, information society, and the telecommunications sector. Kim Fontaine-Skronski is a Phd candidate at Universite Laval and Assistant Director of the Institute of International Studes of Montreal (IEIM), Canada. Her research focuses on institutional design and trade negotiations at the Word Trade Organization. She is currently working on the trade-culture nexus in the digital age.

Beyond NAFTA with Three Countries: The Impact of Global Value Chains on an Outdated Trade Agreement

2015-08-18T11:27:00Z

Pour lire l'article au complet : clic ici

ABSTRACT

This article shows how the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is significantly affected by the redeployment of transpacific specialized value chains and production networks. More specifically, our study looks at the repositioning of NAFTA partners with new transnational production networks which point to the need for new trading schemes redeploying regional strategies on the transpacific axis. We used the ICT sector as an empirical case showing how China had become a key partner for the three NAFTA partners. This suggests changes in the process of regional economic integration/disintegration. Yet, a closer look at the global value chain of Apple indicates that US enterprises play a pivotal role in this transformation. Our findings point to the fact that the regional integration is significantly affected by emerging transpacific production networks linking the NAFTA regional trade pact to a new transpacific economic space. This can help explain the importance for the three countries to negotiate transpacific trade agreements like the Transpacific Trade Partnership which can be viewed as a de facto renegotiation of NAFTA, 20 years after its emergence as a regional trading model.

Greece, Europe, and the United States

2015-07-16T11:05:00Z

Pour lire l'article original, clic ici.

The full brutality of the European position on Greece emerged last weekend, when Europe's leaders rejected the Greek surrender document of June 9, and insisted instead on unconditional surrender plus reparations. The new diktat—formally accepted by Greece yesterday—requires 50 billion euros' worth of “good assets”–which incidentally do not exist—to be transferred to a privatization fund ; all financial legislation passed since SYRIZA took control of parliament in January to be rolled back ; and the “troika” (the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund) to return to Athens. From now on, the Greek government must get approval from these institutions before introducing “relevant” legislation—indeed, even before opening that legislation for public comment. In short : as of now, Greece is no longer an independent state.

Comparisons have been drawn to the Treaty of Versailles, which set Europe on the path to Nazism after the end of World War I. But the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which ended a small country's brave experiment in policy independence, is almost as good an analogy. In crushing Czechoslovakia, the invasion also destroyed the Soviet Union's reputation, shattering the illusions that many sympathetic observers still harbored. It thus set the stage for the final collapse of Communism, first among the parties of Western Europe and then in the USSR itself.

Six months ago one could hope that SYRIZA's electoral victory would spark a larger discussion of austerity's failure and inspire a continent-wide search for better solutions. But once it became clear that there was no support for this approach from Spain, Portugal, or Ireland ; only polite sympathy from Italy and France ; and implacable hostility from Germany and points north and east, the party's goal narrowed. SYRIZA's objective became carving out space for a policy change in Greece alone. Exit from the Euro was not an option, and the government would not bluff. SYRIZA's only tool was an appeal to reason, to world opinion, and for help from outside. With these appeals, the Greeks argued forcefully and passionately for five months.

In this way, the leaders of the Greek government placed a moral burden on Europe. Theirs was a challenge based on the vision of “sustainable growth” and “social inclusion” that has been written into every European treaty from Rome to Maastricht—a challenge aimed at the soul of the European project, if it still had a soul. No one in the Greek government entertained illusions on that point ; all realized that Greece might arrive at the end of June weakened, broke, and defenseless. But given the narrow margins for maneuver, which were restricted both by SYRIZA's platform and the Greek people's attachment to Europe, it was the only play they had.

European creditors responded with surprise, irritation, exasperation, obstinacy, and finally fury. At no time did the logic of the Greek argument—about the obvious failure, over the past five years, of austerity policies to produce the predicted levels of growth—make any dent. Europe did not care about Greece. After resigning as Greek finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis described the negotiation process :

The complete lack of any democratic scruples on behalf of the supposed defenders of Europe's democracy. The quite clear understanding on the other side that we are on the same page analytically … [And yet] to have very powerful figures look at you in the eye and say “You're right in what you're saying, but we're going to crunch you anyway.”

What Europe's “leaders” do care about is power. They posture for their own parliaments and domestic polities. There is an eastern bloc, led by Finland, which is right-wing and ultra hard line. There is a model-prisoner group—Spain, Ireland, and Portugal—which is faced with Podemos and Sinn Fein at home and cannot admit that austerity hasn't worked. There is a soft pair, France and Italy, which would like to dampen the threats from Marine Le Pen and Beppe Grillo. And there is Germany, which, it is now clear, cannot accept debt relief inside the euro zone, because such relief would allow other countries in trouble to make similar demands. Europe's largest creditor would then face a colossal write-off, and the Germans would face the stunning realization that the vast debts built up to finance their exports over the past fifteen years will never be repaid.

SYRIZA was not some Greek fluke ; it was a direct consequence of European policy failure. A coalition of ex-Communists, unionists, Greens, and college professors does not rise to power anywhere except in desperate times. That SYRIZA did rise, overshadowing the Greek Nazis in the Golden Dawn party, was, in its way, a democratic miracle. SYRIZA's destruction will now lead to a reassessment, everywhere on the continent, of the “European project.” A progressive Europe—the Europe of sustainable growth and social cohesion—would be one thing. The gridlocked, reactionary, petty, and vicious Europe that actually exists is another. It cannot and should not last for very long.

What will become of Europe ? Clearly the hopes of the pro-European, reformist left are now over. That will leave the future in the hands of the anti-European parties, including UKIP, the National Front in France, and Golden Dawn in Greece. These are ugly, racist, xenophobic groups ; Golden Dawn has proposed concentration camps for immigrants in its platform. The only counter, now, is for progressive and democratic forces to regroup behind the banner of national democratic restoration. Which means that the left in Europe will also now swing against the euro.

As that happens, should the United States continue to support the euro, aligning ourselves with failed policies and crushed democratic protests ? Or should we let it be known that we are indifferent about which countries are in or out ? Surely the latter represents the sensible choice. After all, Poland, the Czech Republic, Croatia, and Romania (not to mention Denmark and Sweden, or for that matter the United Kingdom) are still out and will likely remain so—yet no one thinks they will fail or drift to Putin because of that. So why should the euro—plainly now a fading dream—be propped up ? Why shouldn't getting out be an option ? Independent technical, financial, and moral support for democratic allies seeking exit would, in these conditions, help to stabilize an otherwise dangerous and destructive mood.

James K. Galbraith is the author of The End of Normal. He is a co-author of The Modest Proposal to Resolve the Crisis of the Eurozone and has been in Athens as a friend of Yanis Varoufakis, Greece's former finance minister. He participated in “How Germany Reconquered Europe,” a Harper's Forum about the future of the euro that appeared in the February 2014 issue. Read the full article here.

Just How Fragile Is the Global Economy ?

2015-07-15T11:28:00Z

Pour voir l'article original, clic ici.
Greece depends on Germany. Australia depends on China. Puerto Rico depends on Washington, D.C. In economics it's all about interdependence, which has many people wondering what debt crises and stock market troubles abroad mean for them. We'll get an update on the economic news from Greece and China, and discuss the interconnectedness of the world's markets.
Host : Michael Krasny
Guests :
James Galbraith, economist, professor at the University of (…)

- Publications - Centre d'études sur l'intégration et la mondialisation (CEIM) / Europe, Le monde, Entrevues radiophoniques, English, Chroniques de James K. Galbraith